The Chicken have come home to Roost

Two soldiers were killed and three wounded in a suicide bomb attack in Pakistani administered Kashmir on Friday, the military said, the first such bombing in Pakistan’s occupied Kashmir.

'The bomber blew himself up near a military vehicle. Two of our soldiers embraced martyrdom,’ a military spokesman told Reuters.

I remember initial days of terrorism in Kashmir and the same Pakistanis would say then"Do Hindustani Faujiyon ko jahnam raseed kar diya mujahidon ne" which means ,Two Indian Soliers have been sent to hell by The MujahideenThe official said three soldiers also were wounded in the attack.

Militants have carried out a series of bomb attacks across Pakistan in recent weeks in retaliation for a military offensive in the northwest but there have been no such attacks in Pakistani Occupied Kashmir.Benazir was proud of the very men who killed her.She would often say that they are sons of Ghazis-the slayers of Hindus.

I dont know whether to mourn the soldiers of Pakistan army or to feel happy that they have got a taste of their own medicine.Whatever the case may be the chicken have come home to roost.

A Peculiar Parole by Parveen Swami (Frontline) -

HOW GOVERNMENT BENT LAWS TO FREE YASIN MALIK ???

MUFTI MOHAMMAD SAYEED stormed to power campaigning, among other things, against the widespread illegal detentions prevalent under the National Conference regime. Now his government has set about righting the previous rule's wrongs with another wrong: illegal releases.

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Scan the newspaper of December 13 for a headline that reads `Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front leader Mohammad Yasin Malik re-arrested'. You will not find it, because it did not happen — although the law mandated it. The State government was legally obliged to arrest Malik on December 12, because the 30-day parole it had granted him expired that morning. Instead it granted another 30-day parole to Malik and five others, an order of dubious legal legitimacy that flies in the face of the Public Safety Act (PSA), 1978. To heighten the farce, the government document (Home/PB.V/2414) granting extension of parole was founded on an earlier parole order that set free five other prisoners, but not on the decree releasing Malik from custody.

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In November, Malik became the mascot of Chief Minister Sayeed's `healing touch' policy. He, along with a group of JKLF-linked prisoners, who were incarcerated for years on terrorism-related charges, was released on parole. Malik was arrested in March on money-laundering charges, under the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). The JKLF leader protested his innocence, and subsequently obtained bail. However, before he was let out of the Kot Balwal jail in Jammu, he was re-arrested under the PSA. The Act is a unique, State-specific preventive detention legislation that allows the Jammu and Kashmir government to incarcerate for up to a year without trial persons it believes threaten the security and integrity of India.
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On November 11, the State's Home Department issued an order (Home/PBV/2269) granting Malik "parole for a period of 30 days in the first instance with immediate effect on the terms and conditions annexed". These conditions, like the parole order Frontline has now accessed, were kept secret even from Malik's legal counsel Zafar Shah. The order, issued under Section 20 of the PSA, provides for the temporary release of prisoners "for any specified period without conditions or upon such conditions specified in the direction [and] as that person accept". Malik, currently hospitalised in New Delhi for the treatment of a kidney condition, was unavailable for comment, but Zafar Shah asserts that his client had neither applied for parole nor accepted conditional release.

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While no one Frontline spoke to was willing to say just what the conditions were, common sense suggests that they should have included a demand that he refrain from activity prejudicial to the state, the stated reason for the secessionist politician's incarceration. Out of jail, Malik threw himself promptly into political activity aimed at marginalising centrists in the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), notably People's Conference leader Sajjad Lone and the Srinagar religious leader, Maulvi Umar Farooq. He organised a series of pro-independence rallies, attacked the APHC's dialogue with Ram Jethmalani's Kashmir Committee, and, on one occasion in Sopore, even presided over a gathering where some 300 Jamaat-e-Islami cadre shouted pro-Pakistan slogans. He then arrived in New Delhi, and lobbied for passport to be issued to enable him to visit the United States. When this was denied, he admitted himself to the upmarket Batra Hospital for the treatment of a long-standing condition.

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It takes no legal genius to see the flaws in the government's course of action. Section 20(3) also mandates that any person temporarily released "shall surrender himself at the time and place and to the authority specified in the order directing his release". Astoundingly, the release order bears no such time and place, nor the name of any authority. Malik was granted an extension of parole without his appearance before a competent authority, and without the State government even calling for the Criminal Investigation Department's records that would have established whether he met the stated conditions. Section 20(1) of the PSA makes clear that parole can be granted only for a "specified time", and not for indefinitely renewable periods as the parole order envisages. If such a manoeuvre were permissible, governments could allow well-connected prisoners to stay out of jail for ever.

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An amendment to the PSA brought in 1988 seems to have been designed to preclude such abuse. Section 20(6) of the Act mandates that time out on parole will not be deducted from the total period of detention. If governments can grant parole for arbitrary periods, it could then use the Act as an instrument for political blackmail. Inconvenient political opponents could be arrested, then let out on parole, and threatened that they could, at any point in the future, be re-arrested and may have to serve out the rest of their life in jail. Interestingly enough, the government freed Malik although the JKLF leader chose not to move the High Court to seek redress against the use of the PSA against him. The High Court has, on several occasions in the past, struck down PSA detention orders it believes are abuses of the Act. "I'm a result-oriented lawyer," Zafar Shah told Frontline, "and am not too bothered about precisely why my client is out of jail. But I've never heard of the government granting parole to victims of the PSA."

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If the Sayeed regime indeed believes that Malik does not deserve to be detained under the PSA, it is free to revoke the order of detention. It chose not to do so. The level of thought given to the whole affair is exemplified by the fact that the parole extension refers to Order 2270, which set free five others, but not 2269, which set free Malik. One explanation for the strange manner in which Malik was granted parole is that the State government acted with the tacit consent of powerful figures in the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) — notably Brajesh Mishra and former Research and Analysis Wing chief A.S. Dulat. It is speculated that the PMO hopes to use the pending PSA detention period as a stick with which to push Malik into dialogue with the Kashmir Committee. Past efforts to bring about similar outcomes have had no real success, but did not a little to deflect attention away from Malik's past record and vest him with political legitimacy.

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Few today remember that the Central Bureau of Investigation is prosecuting Malik on three separate counts of murder— the killing of four unarmed Indian Air Force personnel in Srinagar, the murder of civil servant Lassa Kaul, and a shootout that claimed the life of a Border Security Force trooper.

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Little has been learned from a decade's worth of misadventure. Law or no law, Malik remains out of jail, albeit in a limbo, short of real freedom. No one seems certain just what the State government is playing at, but the strange circumstances under which Malik's parole came about suggest that something decidedly peculiar is under way.

Rubiya Syed kidnapping case Yasin Malik among others appear in TADA court
Excelsior Correspondent
JAMMU, Jan 3: The accused involved in the much publicized Rubiya Syed kidnapping case appeared in the Court of TADA today. However, all the cases including that of one lakh US dollar were adjourned because of the strike of the advocates.
The alleged accused appeared in the TADA court were Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) supremo Mohd Yaseen Malik, Showkat Ahmed Bakshi, Ali Mohd Mir, Javid Mir alias Nalka, Mehraj-ud-Din Sheikh, Mohd Iqbal Gandroo, Mohd Zaman Mir and Farooq Ahmed Dar alias Bitta-Karate.
Other accused Mohd Yaqoob Pandit, Wajahat Bashir Qureshi, Manzoor Ahmed Sofi and Mohd Rafiq alias Nanaji were absent and their names were exempted from hearing on the application filed on their behalf.
The most important case which was listed for hearing today was of kidnapping of Dr Rubiya Syed, daughter of the then Union Home Minister Mufti Mohd Syed.
The other listed cases were killing of five Air Force officials at Batmaloo on January 1990 and seizure of one lakh US dollars meant for the JKLF supremo.
It is worthwhile to mention here that the cases of kidnapping of Dr Rubiya Syed and killing of Air Force personals have been pending before the Court for the last more than 15 years as all the alleged accused involved in the cases were not appearing before the Court.

Pak sets free 4 hijackers
ISLAMABAD, Jan 3: Pakistan today freed four Palestinians convicted of the 1986 hijacking of an American airliner in Karachi that ended with the death of 22 people including an Indian flight purser Neerja Bhanot, who helped passengers aboard escape.
The hijackers, who were sentenced to life imprisonment, were set free from Adiala jail in Rawalpindi and put on an international flight to the Gulf region, local TV channels reported.
A group of Palestinians hijacked a Pan Am Boeing 747 carrying 400 passengers while it was being parked at the Apron in Karachi in September 1986. The cockpit crew escaped through the emergency hatch but senior flight purser Bhanot stayed on helping passengers escape.
Twenty-two people, including Bhanot, died when Pakistani commandos stormed the flight to end the 16-hour siege. Bhanot was awarded Ashok Chakra posthumously by the Indian Government. She was at that time the youngest and till date the only woman Ashok Chakra awardee.
The Palestinians were handed down the death penalty during the regime of late Gen Zia-ul-Haq for hijacking the plane. One of the hijackers, who was injured in the commando operation, died in jail.
The sentence of the others was later converted to life imprisonment in 1988 when slain Premier Benazir Bhutto was in power.(PTI)

ASIA's LAST COLONY-POK(by Mahmood Baig in the Kashmir Herald))

On August 13, 2007, the people of what is called ‘Azad Jammu & Kashmir’ [AJK, Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK). ‘Azad’ means ‘Free’] organized a ‘Long March’ in an assertion of the unity of the AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB, referred to in Pakistan as the ‘Northern Areas’) region, rejecting the arbitrary division of populations within Kashmir, and the restraints on travel and people-to-people contacts that have been imposed by the Pakistani establishment. The traditional routes between AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan have been shut down by the Pakistan Government since its occupation of the region in 1948, and two exclusionary systems of governance have been established in these two constituent units of PoK. The ‘Long March’, from Muzaffarabad, the capital of AJK, to Gilgit, organised by the National Students Federation (NSF) and supported by virtually all nationalist Kashmiri organisations in AJK, sought, through acts of civil disobedience, to focus global attention on the backwardness of the state and the excesses of the Pakistan Army and intelligence agencies. The NSF leadership had, consequently, announced that the Long March would not stop at any Pakistan Army checkpost en route to Gilgit, and would not submit to any search or identification processes imposed by Government agencies, as the Pakistani Army was an alien occupying Force. The arduous long march, through high mountain passes and across extended glaciers, and through unmarked routes, claimed the lives of two volunteers, Sardar Amjad Khan and Raja Bahzad Khan, who died when the march hit adverse weather conditions in the upper reaches of the Neelam Valley.
The NSF has repeatedly emphasized the fact that the divided areas of J&K should be united, and the first step in this direction should be the unification of AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan under a single State Assembly, and the natural routes between AJK and GB should immediately be restored. The trade between Pakistan and China should pass over these routes through GB and AJK, and this trade should come under the authority and jurisdiction of the administration of united AJK-GB, with royalties for this trade flowing to this administration from Pakistan. By redirecting the Pakistan China trade to these routes, not only would the time and cost of transport of goods to Rawalpindi and Lahore be substantially reduced, the areas along these routes would experience an economic renaissance, with benefits accruing not only to the people of this region, but also to the people of Pakistan. There would also be an inevitable impact on the excesses currently committed by the Pakistan Army in the region.
After 60 years of Pakistani rule, the majority of people in AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan live in conditions of extreme backwardness, and are denied all socio-economic rights and, in the case of GB, constitutional recognition and the most basic political freedoms. For six decades, governments in AJK, which are installed on the commands of the Pakistan Army, have not been able to provide even the most basic necessities to the people. Consequently, the area remains mired in poverty and has been reduced to a playground of the intelligence agencies and jihadi forces. The Government in AJK is virtually a proxy administration appointed by Islamabad. The puppet regime in Muzaffarabad, the capital of AJK, needs permission from those at the helm of affairs in Islamabad on even the most minor administrative issue.
AJK suffers immensely across the socio-economic matrix. For instance, there is not a single institute for technical education – a medical or engineering college – in the region even in this modern age. There is no public or private sector industry worth its name. The common people of the region can only secure employment in demeaning menial occupations in the region, or in the lowest echelons of the service industry in Pakistan. People of ‘Azad Kashmir’ can ordinarily be found working in hotels, or as street hawkers in Pakistan’s large cities, such as Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Gujranwala. The local population derives no benefits whatsoever from the region’s rich forest, mining and water resources. The forests across vast regions have been clear-felled, and the entire wood has been transported to Pakistani markets or has been exported by Pakistani contractors to other countries. The Pakistan Army is also involved in smuggling the timber of thousands of precious Deodar trees, as well as endangered flora and fauna, out of the region, and into Pakistan.
Islamabad’s rulers have also consistently sought to transform the demographic dynamics of the region. According to one report, "As per the 1991 census, residents of ‘Azad Kashmir’ are mostly Sunni Muslim and predominantly Punjabi-speaking, with barely 20 per cent Kashmiris." Similar patterns of demographic destablisation are being engineered in GB. There has been a large scale expropriation of land and residency rights of the indigenous populations in AJK. Further demographic shifts are being engineered, with an aggressive policy of resettlement of the ethnic Hazarawals and Afghans (Pashtuns) in the Neelam Valley, with large tracts of land being allocated to, or bought by, these outsiders, who are liberally provided residency permits. The State has very large mining resources and, for instance, the Neelam Valley has a significant deposit of unique rubies, which are, again, taken into Pakistan, with no benefits accruing to the people of the region or even of the Neelam Valley.
As regards the region’s tremendous water resources, successive Pakistani Governments, whether military or civilian, have left no stone unturned in their plunder. Pakistan is increasing the height of the Mangla Dam without the consent of the people of AJK. Mirpur town was submerged under the Dam, but the electricity generation is done outside AJK, so that all revenue and power generation benefits go to Pakistan. The Pakistani people have obstructed the construction of dams in their own areas [protests that have thwarted the Kalabagh Dam project in Mianwali District, in the Punjab Province, and bordering the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), are a case in point], but the Army can simply trample over the rights and territory of the Kashmiris. The latest example of this continuing oppression is the raising of the height of the Mangla Dam by 30 feet, as a result of which the people of Mirpur will be displaced once again. Pakistan has never paid any royalties for the Mangla Dam project to AJK, nor is their any intention of making such payments in future. As one commentator has noted, Pakistan argues that the construction of Mangla Dam is "a consequence of the 1961 Indus Basin treaty between India and Pakistan with the World Bank acting as guarantor. The Azad Kashmiris, particularly the Mirpuris, argue that water is a Kashmiri natural resource commandeered by the Pakistani state to the disadvantage of Kashmiris."
There are no representative democratic structures in AJK. Pakistan’s ‘hypocrisy about Kashmir' is visible in the very nature of the equations that have been imposed on AJK and its citizens through the 1974 Interim Constitution, which prescribes various limitations for the ‘autonomy' granted to the region.
Defence, foreign affairs, security and currency are put outside the purview of the ‘autonomy'. Further, apart from the Legislative Assembly, a 14-member ‘AJ&K Council’, has been formed and is headed by the Pakistan Prime Minister as Chairman and the ‘AJ&K’ President as Vice-Chairman. Islamabad nominates five members to the Council from the Members of the Pakistan National Assembly and there are three ex-officio members. The Chairman, along with these federal nominees, gives the Government of Pakistan a majority in the Council as, of the 14 members, there are only six members elected through the ‘AJ&K’ Legislative Assembly. This Council exercises wide ranging powers.
According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), "Pakistani officials dominate the Council and major bureaucrats occupy key decision making posts… the Chief Secretary, the Inspector-General of Police, the Accountant General and the Finance Secretary (of the region) come from Pakistan." Indeed, a number of secondary or non-strategic administrative posts also go to Pakistanis, and are increasingly dominated by ex-Army officers. Thus, the current Health Secretary of the State is retired Major General Jehangir Anwar Khan, who, ironically, maintains his offices and permanent residence at Islamabad, and not in the State Capital, Muzzafarabad.
Dissent in AJK has been methodically suppressed by Pakistan over the years. The HRCP, in its report, State of Human Rights in Azad Jammu & Kashmir, in July 2004, noted that "Fundamental freedoms, such as the freedom of movement, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of association are often infringed in AJK under various pretences, despite claims to the contrary by the officials." Further, the UNHCR Human Rights Watch World Report 2007, stated:
Tight controls on freedom of expression have also been a hallmark of government policy in Azad Kashmir. Pakistan has prevented the creation of independent media in the territory through bureaucratic restrictions and coercion. Publications and literature favouring independence are banned. While militant organizations promoting the incorporation of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir state into Pakistan have had free rein to propagate their views, groups promoting an independent Kashmir find their speech sharply, sometimes violently, curtailed.
Since its formation in 1966, the NSF has been struggling for unity and freedom of the whole of Jammu & Kashmir. NSF units, which exist in all the educational institutions in AJK, work to create ideological awareness among the students. The NSF has worked as the avant garde on issues relating to students and the general public, as a result of which many of its cadres have been victims of excesses by Pakistani intelligence agencies. Many have been imprisoned, hundreds have been prosecuted for sedition, and dozens have been killed. Even today, dozens of NSF cadres are in jail.
The socio-political and cultural landscape of the region has been adversely affected since it has been the epicentre of the Kashmir jihad for a long time. Pakistan military intelligence agency, the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) has set up the puppet headquarters of the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (HM) – a group that can have no independent presence in the State – in Muzaffarabad, while all other groups engaged in violence in Indian administered Kashmir, including the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Al Badr, etc., have camps and offices in the capital and elsewhere in ‘Azad Kashmir’. The Muttahida Jehad Council (MJC), a conglomerate of Pakistan-based jihadi outfits, again run as a proxy of the ISI, also has ‘headquarters’ in Muzaffarabad, though it is incapable of creating or maintaining an independent setup in AJK. The LeT and the JeM, however, while they substantially owe their existence to ISI support, have managed to create a space for themselves in the State, and enjoy at least some support outside the Pakistani establishment and agencies. The principal terrorist training camps still being run in the State belong to the LeT, which has emerged – particularly after the earthquake of October 8, 2005, when state agencies used the LeT to channel much of the relief to affected populations.
The clergy in AJK has always exploited religion to impose the will of the Pakistani secret agencies and the Army, and has always projected the falsehood that any opposition to the Army or its institutions constitutes a threat to Islam. The Kashmiri people have remained silent in this oppression essentially to avert this purported threat and have borne the excesses of Islamabad, and have, in the process, lost not only their fundamental rights, but all rights whatsoever. This exploitation continues, although there is an increasing awareness among the people today, and occasional voices of protest can now be heard against the excesses of the state.
Pakistani intelligence agencies have divided the people of PoK on sectarian lines, and the people live largely under the shadow of insecurity, conflict and violence. Islamist extremists have sought to forcefully impose their perverse notion of Islam on the people of AJK and have, for instance, banned tape recorders and routinely compel people in public places and on public transports to offer namaaz (prayers). Wherever their camps are established, the entry of common people is banned, and the poor people who foraged for forest resources or cut grass in these areas are refused entry. If some people mistakenly enter these areas, they are locked up in the private detention centres maintained by these radical groups.
Conditions changed somewhat after the devastating earthquake of October 2005. A dialogue was established between Pakistan and India, after which the activities of the jihadi groups were somewhat limited. The freedom with which their units moved around in the streets of Muzaffarabad and other parts of AJK has undergone relative curtailment. However, their camps remain in place, and their activities continue. The European Parliament Report, Kashmir: Present Situation and Future Prospects (Rapporteur: Baroness Emma Nicholson, May 2007) stated that "activities of constantly mutating AJK-based terrorist groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Harakat ul-Mujahedeen have caused hundreds of deaths in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir and beyond." The region, it said was, "where fundamental institutions and regional stability have been constantly undermined by organised crime and infiltration across the LoC [Line of Control] by radical Islamist networks exploiting the rugged terrain." While the report laments the "continuing political and humanitarian situation in all four parts of Jammu and Kashmir, it draws particular attention to the democratic deficit in AJK and Gilgit and Baltistan, where, regrettably, Pakistan has consistently failed to fulfil its obligations to introduce meaningful and representative democratic structures."
After the 2005 earthquake, the Pakistani media projected one of the many jihadi groups, the LeT, as a messiah for the affected populations. The leaders of the LeT, who often have the title ‘Abu’ prefixed to their names, used the generous relief aid to accumulate great personal wealth and many of them in fact entered into multiple marriages as a result of their sudden prosperity. Every LeT leader now has at least four wives, and the ‘Abus’ receive allowances for wives, children, house and travel. Even before the earthquake, these groups maintained schools, colleges, hospitals and workshops, but after the earthquake and the generous relief funding to the tune of billions of rupees, the jihadis have opened their institutional complexes, hospitals and madrassas (seminaries) in Muzaffarabad, and these have become places where the common people are subjected to extortion. Such hospitals, constructed on relief funding, do not even offer free treatment. Shavia Nallah, the LeT hospital built on relief funding, has been constructed on a public park, and the adjoining private properties have also been forcibly occupied by the group. When some opposition was generated, LeT militants shot at and wounded one of the local youth. The hospital was eventually set ablaze by the enraged mob on June 11, 2007.
Incipient protests, such as the Long March of August 2007, at best bring the harsh conditions under which the people of PoK live, to the attention of the global community. Regrettably, such attention has been limited, and the free rein that Pakistan enjoys over these regions and its populations, remains largely unaffected by such fleeting interest. It is in the shadow of international neglect that the rights of the people of AJK and of GB have been systematically violated, and a tyrannical order has persisted for over 60 years.

The writer is the President, Jammu and Kashmir National Students Federation in Pak-Occupied Kashmir.

Kashmir: Through a Pak militant's lens-Javaid Hussain Shah

Kashmir, the abode of saints and sufis, is bleeding. This symbol of unity in diversity is torn apart by intolerance and hatred. Once considered a paradise on earth, Kashmir is today a vast burial ground of thousands of Kashmiris punished for uncommitted sins.
Kashmir's journey from paradise to hell, like mine, began in 1989. It has since been bleeding, caught in a vortex of violence - violence which gets a two para mention, sometimes not even that, in our national newspapers. Kashmir is now a burial ground where even the dead get no peace. And as book after book is churned out and experts debate the Kashmir "dispute" in distant Geneva and the United Nations, the true story remains untold.
While Kashmir remains just another hotbed of fundamentalist violence for the West, the Indian press too has failed in its duty to put things in the right perspective. As for the protagonists of the Kashmir violence, they have so far avoided coming out in the open with the true story.
'Azadi' was at one time my junoon and it took me across the border to ISI camps in Pakistan, where I was trained to kill, plunder, loot - all in the name of Islam, I returned with power flowing from the barrel of the gun. I was trained by my "masters" in Pakistan to record the violence in such a manner that the blame shifted from the militants to the security forces.
I am one of the living characters of this untold story. I too had joined the forces of "liberation" way back in 1989. Being an ISI - trained Pakistani militant, I am a reliable witness to the mechanisations of the forces of destruction, disruption and fascist intrigues of Pakistan. I am fully aware of the true character of the living players of the untold story.
Having been shocked to see Kashmiris exposed of violence and brutality, hatred, aggression against peace-loving people, ethnic cleansing, distortion of socio-political history of Kashmir, and misery and poverty made me ponder over my role. My conscience revolted and I decided to come out with the untold story. I realised that I was fighting a futile battle. I was not fighting for Kashmir, but I was fighting Pakistan's battle against the Muslim of Kashmir.
ISI training had deprived me of rational thinking. My Pakistani trainers had trained me to hate the brighter side of a peaceful life of Kashmir. They made me robot performing mechanical motions and tasks. Like me, thousands of other robots are performing tasks on the whims of remote control masters.
I was trained to record the death dance through the eye of the camera with the sole aim of shifting the blame from Pak-trained terrorists to the security forces. Being a robot, I had no idea what I was recording could expose the criminality of the Islamic "Mujahideen" who are professing to liberate Kashmir.
Justice, equality, freedom of speech, tolerance, right to live and right to one's own belief are the basic tenets of humanity. But ISI -trained robots like me were taught that freedom, respect for each other and religious tolerance, are the anti-thesis of Islam. We were trained to demolish secular credentials of Kashmir, destroy symbols of temples of tolerance and age-old traditions of coexistence of different faiths. Though initially, I mechanically believed such un-Islamic interpretation of my faith, a time came when I revolted and decided to expose the true story.
Pakistan claims that it is lending moral and diplomatic assistance to the so-called freedom fighters and at the same time, professes to defend Islam by Islamic Jehad.
There was never any danger to Islam in Kashmir, Pakistan, in fact, has started Jehad not against enemies of Islam but against Muslims of Kashmir. I recorded killing of innocent children women and men; I recorded the devastation and destruction of all symbols of unity in diversity, ethnic cleansing; I am witness to the growth of Jamat-e-Islami - a savage enemy of the Sufi culture of Kashmir.
Yet, people ask who is responsible for all this. So-called human rights activists, self-proclaimed conscience keepers of the moth-eaten civil society, blame security forces for this madness. The press, in general, consciously or unconsciously, has failed in its national duty to put things before the people in the right perspective. Western countries are busy in their own power games in South Asia.
The blood-curdling pictures of butchered children, women and men (as shown in my book) have no name, no postal address and no identity of their own. The only fact about these pictures is that they expose the ugly face of Pakistan in Kashmir. There are no captions, and no details as the pictures themselves convey the real story.
On third cover and back cover of this pictorial booklet are pictures of the Dargah of Nund Rishi at Charar-e-Sharif. The dargah was destroyed by Pakistani robot Mast Gul, who crossed back to Pakistan where he was welcomed as hero of Islam. He does not need any introduction as during the siege of Charar-e-Sharif, print and electronic media were witness to the savage act of Mast Gul.
Words have lost their meaning, conditional or unconditional talks are meaningless, fiery speeches no more move the people. Promises of peace have no relevance. Pakistan continues to strike at the very roots of existence of Kashmir. Only blood-letting pictures have relevance.
Back cover has two pictures - one of Mast Gul among his armed band of hoodlums and other shows him in the company of Shabir Shah, the so-called Nelson Mandela of Kashmir, and Hurriyat leader A. G. Lone. Does it need any caption? Without any footnotes, it unfolds the truth about the untold story. I hope now body will ask the question: who is responsible for the ruination of the Paradise on earth. - CNF Service

http://www.kashmir.co.uk/militant_x.htm